Showing posts with label ICRIER. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ICRIER. Show all posts

Thursday, November 2, 2017

Nobel Laureate Richard Thaler's Views On Auctions

The government has already set up a Nudge unit; now, it should apply the Nobel laureate's insights on auctions relating to essential infrastructure.



You may be surprised to learn that the central government has been applying ideas from this year’s Nobel Prize winner for economics, Richard Thaler, even before the award. According to press reports, a “Nudge” unit was set up last year (2016) by the Niti Aayogin association with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Its purpose is to apply behavioural insights in policymaking for initiatives such as Swachh Bharat, Jan-Dhan Yojana, and Digital India. There are issues about ethics and motivation in the use of “nudges”, of course, with the best nudges likened to effective GPS devices that make it easier for people to get where they want to go with enabling information, and without covert manipulation.


Recognise, however, that manipulation can cut both ways. It can be beneficial for those being influenced, as when we eat healthier, observe regulations, or manage waste better. It can also be detrimental, as when manipulators entice, persuade, or coerce us to act against our interests, whether it is the private sector, government or vote seekers. Examples are enticements or misleading consumer information, government pressure for compliance without appropriate regulatory bases, or populist measures for votes.

Incidentally, Mr Thaler also advises the $6-billion Undiscovered Managers Behavioral Value Fund, which reportedly does better than 97 per cent of its peers, with average annual returns of 16 percent.


Ironically, one of Mr Thaler’s powerful early insights has been ignored and is awaiting discovery and application especially in India. It is about the “winner’s curse” in auctions, the phenomenon that winners of highly contested auctionstend to overbid. This is because when there is strong contention for a desirable asset, the one who most overvalues the asset tends to bid the highest. Mr Thaler demonstrates that the curse occurs in two ways: Where the winning bid exceeds the value of the winnings, or where the gains are below expectations. Mr Thaler’s 1988 paper demonstrated these effects through examples including oil and gas leases, corporate takeovers, publishing rights for books, and bidding for baseball players.1 This is especially important for India because we need more effective resource management, whether of coal/fuel for power, or of spectrum for communications. We can ill-afford the high opportunity costs of bad policies. 


To be fair to policymakers in India, findings by Mr Thaler and others on auctions have been ignored by other governments greedy for immediate revenue. The UK, Europe and the USA went through disastrous 3G auctions that bankrupted their telecommunications industries. The exceptions were the Scandinavian countries and others such as Japan, South Korea, and China, where circumstances were managed so that there were either no auctions, or less contentious auctions.  Tomes have been written on the “success” of high bids that resulted in enormous government collections. The consequences for the operating companies, however, were devastating, because of the severe drain on their finances from the heavy up-front investments. This was aggravated by the collapse of the technology bubble in 2000.


All the following auctions had disastrous outcomes for services:2


1994: The first US auction netted huge bids. Soon after, a number of “successful” bidders declared bankruptcy.


In India, the 1994 auction was followed by chaos because of overbidding and default. The sector recovered only after the auction fees were set aside for revenue-sharing in 1999 through the New Telecom Policy (NTP 1999), and lower shares were set in 2003.


1995-1996: US “C”-Block auction — several “successful” bidders declared bankruptcy.


2000 UK and 2001 EU 3G auctions: Netted $35 billion in the UK. In Austria, Germany and Italy, bids netted over $100 billion, 10 times the expectation. Considered a huge success, but winners couldn’t repay their debts, and the markets took a decade to recover.


2010: India’s 3G and broadband wireless auction with over Rs 1 lakh crore bid was considered a great success. Having paid too much for spectrum, operators struggled thereafter and new systems are slow to roll-out.


Meanwhile, auction experts wrote disparagingly of “failures” (low fees) in countries such as the Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, and ignored countries such as South Korea, Japan and Finland where there were no auctions (until 2009). However, these “failures” had the best broadband services, according to a 2010 study by the Saïd Business School at Oxford.


After India’s 2015 auction, researchers at ICRIER observed that the anticipated growth dividend from telecom didn’t materialise. Their rhetorical question and answer: “Does this mean the much-needed mobile broadband ecosystem will be further pushed into the future? If so, this would be another case of lost opportunity in telecom.”3 And that’s what it has been so far.


Broadband is an essential aspect of infrastructure. For India to break out of its low-growth trajectory, our policies have to recognise the impediments caused by spectrum fragmentation and high-cost auctions, and create practicable alternatives such as shared networks including spectrum that is paid for only when it is used. Also, more open-access and light-licensed bands in line with global developments will help India reap the benefits of ecosystems of devices as they evolve, e.g., in 60 GHz and TV White Space bands (for which India is ideally positioned). Instead, these technologies are blocked as is the spectrum, which remains unused, creating more barriers for ourselves by having to devise high-cost workarounds. Our ministries – for communications, electronics and information technology, information and broadcasting, defence, and finance – need to address technology applications and policies collectively to induct and align our systems and practices with global developments now and for the future.



Shyam (no space) Ponappa at gmail dot com


1. Richard Thaler, “Anomalies: The Winner’s Curse,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 2, no. 1 (Winter 1988): 191-202


2. There was one successful auction in India in 2001 for a fourth mobile operator in each circle (state), when markets were depressed and competition was subdued. Other auctions in India and abroad hailed as successes because of high-auction bids resulted in constrained networks and services


3. Mansi Kedia, Pamil Urdhwareshe, and Rajat Kathuria (ICRIER), “Deconstructing the 2015 auctions”, Financial Express (April 8, 2015)

Thursday, April 3, 2014

Preferential Market Access: A Policy Lost in Translation?


A newly elected government needs to start over on high-technology manufacturing and procurement.

Over the last two years, the government sought to promote domestic manufacturing in high-technology products through ordinances for procurement titled "preferential market access". There has been strong opposition particularly from the United States, but also from Australia, Canada, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. My take is that these regulations seek access for qualified local manufacturers to domestic markets, which are, ironically, open only to established (therefore, foreign) manufacturers. They aim to do so without protection, price preferences, or lowering of quality ("Breaking into the closed circle", Business Standard, August 1, 2013). The counter-arguments are, for example, as in a recent article titled "Why India's PMA will harm the Indian and global economies", that this policy: 1
  • will entail a price/quality preference for local manufacturers;
  • that it will make government procurement more expensive; or
  • compromise the quality of procured equipment.

Reading the ordinance shows that (a) these points are explicitly covered, and (b) these apprehensions are either a genuine misunderstanding, or actual misrepresentations. 2 This leads one to wonder whether such objections arise because of the imprecise terms and opaque language of the regulations, or as reactions to interpretations (for example, 
http://icrier.org/ICRIER_Wadhwani/Index_files/Policy_Report_1.pdf), or if they are disingenuous advocacy without factual basis.

Indian manufacturers need supportive policies because, to quote from the first article cited above, "In high-technology procurement, large international vendors, of whom there are relatively few, form long-term relationships with the relatively few large buyers in oligopolistic markets in telecommunications or electricity. This holds whether the buyers are government entities, state-owned enterprises, or private sector companies. Often, the international vendors have strong home government support. This is why domestic manufacturers [in India] need mandatory access to break into a closed circle. There is no ambiguity in this, nor is it protectionist, and there are no price preferences - in contrast to the 15 per cent allowed by the World Bank, or 10 per cent for minority-owned businesses in the United States".

In any case, Article III:8 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) excludes government procurement. As for private procurement, Article XII enables a country's actions "to safeguard its external financial position and its balance of payments" with certain provisos (XII:2(b), "to apply quantitative restrictions for balance of payments purposes in a manner which takes full account of the continued high level of demand for imports likely to be generated by their programmes of economic development"); Article XVIII allows for governmental assistance to economic development; and Article XXI permits security exceptions, as in the US' blocking of Huawei and ZTE.

If this reasoning is correct, and a number of advanced economies, including the US, nurture local capacity building, why the hostility? Does self-interest dictate a biased advocacy position for the US and other countries, or could there be a genuine misunderstanding?

“PMA”: Confused Terminology?

As explained above, what the Indian government sought to do seems unexceptionable under WTO rules.  But was the problem that the language roused anti-protectionist sentiment?  This may be an instance where the substance of the regulation is lost sight of because of its confusing vocabulary and syntax.

Consider the semantics: until this bid by India to enable local companies to access their own markets, "preferential market access" meant access to foreign markets, not access for domestic providers to local markets. Here's an example from a World Trade Organisation report: "Preferential access can be thought of as a policy - given comparative advantage where countries discriminate across trading partners by providing some countries with a relative advantage." The report then cites the preferential access that Mexico enjoys in the US.3 Here's another from UNCTAD: "...the low performance of investors in the manufacturing sector ... has eroded the preferential market access of LDCs [least developed countries]".4 In other words, preferential market access refers to lower barriers offered to trading partners, not preferences to domestic companies in markets in their own countries.

While GATT ordinarily prohibits market access restrictions such as quotas on imports, it limits domestic policies and regulations only when they are discriminatory or more restrictive than necessary, while allowing exceptions for developing economies. So the first requirement is the need to distinguish between "domestic regulation" and "market access restrictions". An article in the  in 2005 about the US' ban on online gambling illustrates a case in which the terms/language concerning domestic regulatory actions were misperceived as restrictive practices.5 The relevant point is that the ban was subsequently found not to be a prohibited "market access restriction", but a "domestic regulation" not subject to proscription.

It's possible that advanced economies may seek to preserve their market shares when a large developing economy like India attempts to build its own manufacturing capacity. Therefore, such initiatives may fare better if due care is exercised in developing and articulating policies as well as in communicating them, so that they are not construed as being protectionist. The two areas in our approach to domestic high-technology products that need improvement are:
  • in drafting regulations so as to minimise ambiguity and emphasise clarity under the appropriate category (that is, domestic regulation); and
  • drawing on the diverse skills, that is, technology, law, finance, and lucid communication - a distinct skill, required for well-drafted regulations and effective presentation.

As for India's efforts to develop high-technology manufacturing capacity, the need is compelling, because of the massive imports of these products on the scale of our energy imports, as well as for security reasons. This requires taking stock of the status without delay, and developing and executing an approach that persuasively articulates our needs and plans. The thrust could be changed from preferential market access to something like a "domestic high-technology manufacturing mission". The government needs to provide strong leadership and coordination in this process as soon after the elections as possible.


Shyam Ponappa at gmail dot com

1 Stephen J Ezell, March 2014: http://www2.itif.org/2014-why-india-pma-harm-global-economies.pdf

2 http://deity.gov.in/sites/upload_files/dit/files/Preferential_Market_Access_Notification_1232012.pdf

3 "The Value of Preferential Market Access", Marco Fugazza and Alessandro Nicita, June 2010: wto.int/english/res_e/reser_e/gtdw_e/wkshop10_e/nicita_e.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.wto.int/english/res_e/reser_e/gtdw_e/wkshop10_e/nicita_e.pdf

4 "Foreign Direct Investment in LDCs: Lessons Learned from the Decade 2001-2010 and the Way Forward": http://unctad.org/en/docs/diaeia2011d1part1_en.pdf

5 "Rien ne Va Plus? Distinguishing Domestic Regulation from Market Access in GATT and GATS", Joost Pauwelyn, April 1, 2005: http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1725&context=faculty_scholarship